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Corruption is a research topic whose time has come, gone, and come again. The comprehensive programs of economic liberalization and privatization that have taken place in developing and post-communist nations since the 1980s were supposed to dismantle the rents of import-substitution and dirigisme. Yet it did not happen the way we were told. Economies were massively privatized, market mechanisms were adopted throughout, trade and financial regimes were deregulated, and yet, all these economic policy changes do not appear to have dissolved distributional coalitions. In fact, they appear to have merely restructured them.
Those who sold state-owned assets often ended up buying them. Those who had political power frequently used it to acquire economic power. And those with political clout rarely hesitated to use it to increase their wealth. From Russia to Argentina, and from Mexico to the Middle East, economic reform has taken place behind closed doors and through opaque mechanisms. The study of corruption, popular under the modernization paradigm of the 1960s, has made a big come back.
This paper pursues five goals. First, I review the main approaches to the study of economic reform and privatization, especially the transition from studying reform as a process imposed from above by autonomous policymaking elites, to examining that process as one driven by below by organized distributional coalitions who colluded with those policymakers. Second, I connect the literature on the political economy of reform to the literature on corruption. This is a necessary step for, once the study of reform disclosed the opacity of that process, the extant literature on corruption had a contribution to make. Third, in trying to identify the main factors that explain why governments conduct divestiture programs through opaque methods, I advance an analytical framework to account for the propensity of governments to collude with groups of beneficiaries of privatization and/or bailout programs. This framework is illustrated with empirical materials drawn from Latin American, post-communist, and Asian nations. Finally, I propose four areas of policy recommendation, where more research is needed and more resources are imperative in order to curb corruption and increase transparency and democratic accountability.?
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作者： 戴萬欽、趙全勝
新功能介紹- 出版社：時英
新功能介紹 - 出版日期：2008/07/01
- 語言：英文
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年終慶極品
作者： 戴萬欽、趙全勝
新功能介紹- 出版社：時英
新功能介紹 - 出版日期：2008/07/01
- 語言：英文
Corruption is a research topic whose time has come, gone, and come again. The comprehensive programs of economic liberalization and privatization that have taken place in developing and post-communist nations since the 1980s were supposed to dismantle the rents of import-substitution and dirigisme. Yet it did not happen the way we were told. Economies were massively privatized, market mechanisms were adopted throughout, trade and financial regimes were deregulated, and yet, all these economic policy changes do not appear to have dissolved distributional coalitions. In fact, they appear to have merely restructured them.
Those who sold state-owned assets often ended up buying them. Those who had political power frequently used it to acquire economic power. And those with political clout rarely hesitated to use it to increase their wealth. From Russia to Argentina, and from Mexico to the Middle East, economic reform has taken place behind closed doors and through opaque mechanisms. The study of corruption, popular under the modernization paradigm of the 1960s, has made a big come back.
This paper pursues five goals. First, I review the main approaches to the study of economic reform and privatization, especially the transition from studying reform as a process imposed from above by autonomous policymaking elites, to examining that process as one driven by below by organized distributional coalitions who colluded with those policymakers. Second, I connect the literature on the political economy of reform to the literature on corruption. This is a necessary step for, once the study of reform disclosed the opacity of that process, the extant literature on corruption had a contribution to make. Third, in trying to identify the main factors that explain why governments conduct divestiture programs through opaque methods, I advance an analytical framework to account for the propensity of governments to collude with groups of beneficiaries of privatization and/or bailout programs. This framework is illustrated with empirical materials drawn from Latin American, post-communist, and Asian nations. Finally, I propose four areas of policy recommendation, where more research is needed and more resources are imperative in order to curb corruption and increase transparency and democratic accountability.?
Security & Prosperity in East Asia & the World
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FOCUS新聞／「北京！」2022年冬季奧運主辦城出爐
▲(圖：達志影像／路透社／版權所有，禁止轉載)
2022年冬季奧運主辦權，最後只有2個角逐者，一個是中國大陸的北京、另一個是中亞國家哈薩克的阿拉木圖，國際奧會今天在馬來西亞進行會議，雙方代表陳述各自的優點，做最後的拉票。大陸國家主席跨海以視訊向代表發言，還有姚明等體育明星在會場壯大聲勢。哈薩克則有美女前排球國手莎賓娜領軍。而在剛剛投票結果出爐，由北京獲得，北京也將成為史上第1座同時辦過夏季奧運與冬季奧運的城市。
國際奧委會主席巴赫：「北京。」
沒有意外的獎落中國大陸，打從進入最後陳述的評選階段，代表團就表現出勢在必得。大陸國家副總理帶隊進場，身為一國領導人的習近平，透過視訊跨海打了張「保證牌」。大陸國家主席習近平：「將全面兌現每1項承諾，全方位進行奧林匹克2020議程。」
一直被視為贏面最大的申辦國，世界有名的霧霾問題優先說明 。北京市市長王安順：「2013年我們出了5年投資、1300億美元的清潔空氣行動計劃，此舉在過去的2年之內，全市的燃煤總量減少了30%並淘汰了100萬輛車。」
2008北京奧運的開幕式令人驚豔，大陸強打京奧經驗，沿用2/3的場館、節省30%成本，標榜能花最少的錢就能辦國際級的賽事。中國奧委會主席劉鵬：「我們張家口賽區的滑雪場已經運行20年了，按照往屆冬奧會的通常做法，北京2022也將使用已有的造雪設施，以補充自然降雪的不足。」
會特別強調張家口的造雪設施，是因為近年來大陸滑雪場的降雪量過少，再加上老天爺給了高溫乾旱的難題，水資源緊缺下人造雪構成壓力，而大陸會被扣分的項目，正是哈薩克得天獨厚的地利優勢。
長年積雪不會融化，儼然就是個天然滑雪勝地，要舉辦冬奧的話，他們需要4座場館，其中2座已經在興建當中。哈薩克外交部長ERLAN IDRISSOV：「7成的場館已經有了，而在2017年將80%完工，這意味著我們只需再建2個場館，沒錯只要2個。」
哈薩克申奧宣傳片：「歡迎來阿拉木圖。」
相較大陸，哈薩克的財力沒那麼雄厚，但是石油、天然氣等資源豐富，人民消費力可觀。哈薩克外交部長ERLAN IDRISSOV：「我們要幫助國際冬奧會向世界展示，一個國家不須是超級強國或耗資數百億美金去主辦冬季比賽，阿拉木圖是30多年來，最能永續發展的冬奧申辦城市。」
哈薩克還有一項優勢，所有比賽項目都在同一個區域進行，不用到處換場地，而大陸主辦滑雪比賽的延慶及張家口，分別離北京都有90公里和160公里。評選會上，播出4則宣傳片，每一則都運用意境把冬奧運動融合中國文化。中國大陸與哈薩克的2022冬奧爭霸戰，2個國家其實都在人權上備受質疑。
人權觀察者蘇菲芮秋森：「這個主辦國是否尊重新聞自由、是否能證明有獨立的司法制度、是否能合理支付興建奧運場館的勞工，我想除非國際奧會在遴選過程中能堅持這些，否則只能繼續面對在2個濫權的政府間做選擇。」
申奧會上卯足力宣傳，香港有10多個團體連署、遞請願書到球場奧運大樓，控訴大陸這個月推出國安法，大動作扣查200多名維權律師。香港中大學生會副會長孔浩名：「我們看不到為何1個無人權、打壓人權、打壓所有百姓自由的社會，是應該獲得冬季奧運的申辦權。」
會場內一番廝殺，走到場外，跟在哈薩克總理後的工作人員自信的豎了大拇指，最後謎底揭曉。國際奧委會主席巴赫：「北京。」
中國大陸挾著京奧經驗，一如預期奪得主辦權，接下來等著看習近平全面兌現每一項承諾的保證牌，是否能一一實現。
新聞來源https://tw.news.yahoo.com/focus新聞-北京-2022年冬季奧運主辦城出爐-124346165.html
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